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In , after meeting the famous Muslim poet Muhammad Iqbal , Maududi moved to a piece of land in the village of Pathankot in the Punjab to oversee a Waqf Islamic foundation called Daru'l-Islam.
His hope was to make it a "nerve center" of Islamic revival in India, an ideal religious community, providing leaders and the foundation for a genuine religious movement.
He wrote to various Muslim luminaries invited them to join him there. In Lahore he was hired by Islamiyah College but was sacked after less than a year for his openly political lectures.
Jamaat-e-Islami actively opposed the partition of India , with its leader Maulana Abul A'la Maududi arguing that concept violated the Islamic doctrine of the ummah.
Maududi held that humans should accept God's sovereignty and adopt the divine code, which supersedes manmade laws, terming it a "theodemocracy",  because its rule would be based on the entire Muslim community, not the ulema Islamic scholars.
Maududi migrated to Lahore, which became part of the new state of Pakistan. With the partition of India in , the JI was split to follow the political boundaries of new countries carved out of British India.
With the founding of Pakistan, Maududi's career underwent a "fundamental change", being drawn more and more into politics, and spending less time on ideological and scholarly pursuits.
It played a "prominent part" in the agitation which brought down President Ayub Khan in and in the overthrow of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in His political activity, particularly in support of the creation of an Islamic state clashed with the government, dominated for many years by a secular political class , and resulted in several arrests and periods of incarceration.
The first was in when he and several other JI leaders were jailed after Maududi objected to the government's clandestine sponsorship of insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir while professing to observe a ceasefire with India.
In  and again in ,  the compromises involved in electoral politics led to a split in the party over what some members felt were a lowering of JI's moral standards.
In , the JI shura passed a resolution in support of the party withdrawing from politics,  while Maududi argued for continued involvement. Maududi prevailed at an open party meeting in , and several senior JI leaders resigned in protest, further strengthened Maududi's position and beginning the growth of a "cult of personality" around him.
Maududi as well as the traditionalist ulama of Pakistan wanted Ahmadi designated as non-Muslims, Ahmadis such as Muhammad Zafarullah Khan sacked from all high level government positions, and intermarriage between Ahmadis and other Muslims prohibited.
Maududi was arrested by the military deployment headed by Lieutenant General Azam Khan and sentenced to death for his part in the agitation.
In particular, Maududi advocated that the Pakistani state should be in accordance to Quran and sunnah, including in terms of conventional banking and rights to Muslims, minorities, Christians, and other religious sects such as the Ahmadiyya.
An Islamic state is a Muslim state, but a Muslim state may not be an Islamic state unless and until the Constitution of the state is based on the Qur'an and Sunnah.
The campaign shifted the focus of national politics towards Islamicity. Maududi endorsed the constitution and claimed it a victory for Islam.
However following a coup by General Ayub Khan, the constitution was shelved and Maududi and his party were politically repressed, Maududi being imprisoned in and again in The JI joined an opposition alliance with secular parties, compromising with doctrine to support a woman candidate Fatima Jinnah for president against Khan in Despite this, the party won only four seats in the national assembly and four in the provincial assemblies.
The loss led Maududi to withdraw from political activism in and return to scholarship. In , Maududi "returned to the center stage".
When Bhutto attempted to defuse tensions on 16 April , he came to Maududi's house for consultations. Maududi proved receptive to Zia's overtures and supported his decision to execute Bhutto.
Islam portal. Maududi poured his energy into books, pamphlets and more than speeches and press statements, laying the ground work for making Pakistan an Islamic state, but also dealing with a variety of issues of interest in Pakistan and the Muslim world.
This role had great responsibility as he believed a Mujaddid "on the whole, has to undertake and perform the same kind of work as is accomplished by a Prophet.
According to at least one biographer Vali Nasr , Maududi and the JI moved away from some of their more controversial doctrinal ideas e.
Maududi believed that the Quran was not just religious literature to be "recited, pondered, or investigated for hidden truths" according to Vali Nasr, but a "socio-religious institution",  a work to be accepted "at face value" and obeyed.
The Qur'an is The moment it began to be sent down, it impelled a quiet and pious man to In every part of the country, it made all the mischievous and the corrupt to rise and wage war against the bearers of the truth.
In his tafsir Quranic interpretation Tafhimu'l-Qur'an , he introduced the four interrelated concepts he believed essential to understanding the Quran: ilah divinity , rabb lord , ' ibadah worship, meaning not the cherishing or praising of God but acting out absolute obedience to Him  , and din religion.
Maududi saw Muslims not simply as those who followed the religion of Islam , but as almost everything, because obedience to divine law is what defines a Muslim: "Everything in the universe is 'Muslim' for it obeys Allah by submission to His laws.
Thus it followed that stars, planets, oceans, rocks, atoms, etc. Of all creatures only humans and jinn are endowed with free will, and only non-Muslim humans and jinn choose to use that will to disobey the laws of their creator.
His very tongue which, on account of his ignorance advocates the denial of God or professes multiple deities, is in its very nature 'Muslim' The man who denies God is called Kafir concealer because he conceals by his disbelief what is inherent in his nature and embalmed in his own soul.
His whole body functions in obedience to that instinct Reality becomes estranged from him and he in the dark. Since a Muslim is one who obeys divine law, simply having made a shahada declaration of belief in the oneness of God and the acceptance of Muhammad as God's prophet or being born into a Muslim family does not make you a Muslim.
The Muslim does "not have the right to choose a way of life for himself or assume whatever duties he likes. Islam is not a 'religion' in the sense this term is commonly understood.
It is a system encompassing all fields of living. Islam means politics, economics, legislation, science, humanism, health, psychology and sociology.
It is a system which makes no discrimination on the basis of race, color, language or other external categories.
Its appeal is to all mankind. It wants to reach the heart of every human being. Of all these aspects of Islam, Maududi was primarily interested in culture  —preserving Islamic dress, language and customs,  from what he believed were the dangers of women's emancipation , secularism , nationalism , etc.
But what many Muslims, including many Ulama , considered Islam, Maududi did not. Maudid complained that "not more than 0.
Maududi had a unique perspective on the transmission of hadith —the doings and sayings of the Islamic prophet Muhammad that where passed on orally before being written down, and which form most of the basis of Islamic law.
But Maududi believed that "with extensive study and practice one can develop a power and can intuitively sense the wishes and desires of the Holy Prophet", and that he had that intuitive ability.
Maududi wrote a number of essays on the Sunnah   —the customs and practices of Muhammad—and sought a middle way between the belief of conservative Islamists that the sunnah of the prophet should be obeyed in every aspect, and the traditions that tells us that Muhammad made mistakes,  and was not always obeyed by his followers Zayd divorced his wife against the wishes of Muhammad.
According to Irfan Ahmad, while Maududi opposed all Western influence in Islam, he saw "women's visibility" in the bazaar, colleges, theatres, restaurants "as the greatest threat to morality.
Art, literature, music, film, dance, use of makeup by women: all were shrieking signs of immorality".
Women, he believed, should remain in their homes except when absolutely necessary. Concerning the separation of the genders, he preached that men should avoid looking at women other than their wives, mothers, sisters, etc.
As to the argument that family planning enables better nourishment and education of children, Mawdudi refers to the beneficial effects of adversity and want on human character.
Maududi opposed allowing women to be either a head of state or a legislator, since "according to Islam, active politics and administration are not the field of activity of the womenfolk.
Their legislature would also have "the full right to criticize matters relating to the general welfare of the country," though not to vote on them.
Maududi saw music and dancing as social evils. In describing the wickedness that comes of ignoring Islamic law he included not only leaving the poor to "starvation and destitution" while wallowing in luxury, liquor and drugs, but having "a regular need" for music, satisfied with "musicians, dancing girls, drum-beaters and manufacturers of musical instruments".
His lecture "The economic problem of man and its Islamic solution" is "generally considered to be "one of the founding document of modern Islamic economics.
However, Maududi believed Islam "does not concern itself with the modes of production and circulation of wealth",  and was primarily interested in cultural issues rather than socioeconomic ones.
But since Islam was a complete system, it included a shariah-based economic program, comparable and of course superior to other economic systems.
Capitalism was a "satanic economic system" starting with the fact that it called for the postponement of some consumption in favor of investment.
This led to overproduction and a downward spiral of lower wages, protectionism, trade wars and desperate attempts to export surplus production and capital through imperialist invasions of other countries,  finally ending in "the destruction of the whole society as every learned economist knows".
On the other hand, socialism — by putting control of the means and distribution of production in the hands of the government — concentrates power to such an extent it inevitably leads to enslavement of the masses.
But in fact poverty and exploitation is caused not by the profit motive but by the lack of "virtue and public welfare" among the wealthy, which in turn comes from a lack of adherence to sharia law.
Before the economy like the government, and other parts of society could be Islamized, an Islamic revolution-through-education would have to take place to develop this virtue and create support for total sharia law.
Of all the elements of Islamic laws dealing with property and money payment of zakat and other Islamic taxes , etc.
According to one scholar, this was because in British India Hindus dominated the money lending trade.
A major portion of the earning of a working man is expropriated by the moneylenders, leaving the poor man with hardly enough money to feed himself and his family.
While the Quran forbid many sins, it saved its "severest terms" of punishment — according to Maududi — for use of interest. He believed there was no such thing as a low "reasonable rate of interest"  and that even "the smallest and apparently harmless form"  of interest was intolerable in Islam as rates would inevitably increased over time when the "capitalists" moneylenders squeezed the entrepreneurs borrowers eliminating any entrepreneurial profit.
Critics Feisal Khan complain that Maududi had no training as an economist and his description of interest-based finance resembles that of the dynamic between South Asian peasant and village moneylender rather than between modern conventional bank and borrower; and furthermore Khan argues that Maududi gives no explanation why direct equity finance would lead to any more investment than interest-based lending has in what is good for society but not commercially profitable for financiers.
Unlike Islamists such as Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini , Maududi had a visceral antipathy to socialism ,  which he spent much time denouncing as "godless" as well as being unnecessary and redundant in the face of the Islamic state.
Islam does not make it binding on society to provide employment for each and every one of its citizens, since this responsibility cannot be accepted without thorough nationalisation of the country's resources.
Maududi held to this position despite his florid denunciations of how the rich were "sucking the blood"  and enslaving  the poor, the popularity of populism among many Pakistanis,  and despite the poverty and vast gap between rich and poor in Pakistan a situation often described a " feudal " jagirdari in its large landholdings and rural poverty.
Maududi openly opposed land reform proposals for Punjab by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in the s, going so far as to justify feudalism by pointing to Islam's protection of property rights.
Maududi believed that Islam supported modernization but not Westernization. He disagreed with their practice of examining the Quran and the Sunnah using reason as the standard, instead of starting from the proposition that "true reason is Islamic" and accepting the Book and the Sunnah, rather than reason, as the final authority.
He also took a narrow view of ijtihad , limiting the authority to use it to those with thorough grounding in Islamic sciences, faith in the sharia , and then only to serve the needs of his vision of an Islamic state.
At the same time, one scholar, Maryam Jameelah , has noted the extensive use of modern, non-traditionally Islamic ideas and "Western idioms and concepts" in Maududi's thought.
Islam was a "revolutionary ideology" and a "dynamic movement", the Jama'at-e-Islami , was a "party", the Shari'ah a complete "code" in Islam's "total scheme of life.
Abul A'la Maududi, condemned Mughal Emperor Akbar 's belief in an individual's common spirituality controversially known as the Din-e Ilahi , or "Religion of God" as a form of apostasy.
Contemporary scholars such as S. Ikram argue that Akbar's true intentions were to create an iradat or muridi discipleship and not a new religion.
Maududi appears to be a critic of not only Western Civilization but also of the Mughal Empire, many of whose achievements he deemed "Unislamic".
Rather, he believed, it removed religion from society he translated secularism into Urdu as la din , literally "religionless" .
Since he believed all morality came from religion, this would necessarily mean "the exclusion of all morality, ethics, or human decency from the controlling mechanisms of society.
Maududi believed "modern science was a 'body' that could accommodate any 'spirit'—philosophy or value system—just as radio could broadcast Islamic or Western messages with equal facility.
Maududi strongly opposed the concept of nationalism , believing it to be shirk polytheism ,   and "a Western concept which divided the Muslim world and thus prolonged the supremacy of Western imperialist powers".
Maududi also criticized traditionalist clergy or ulama for their "moribund" scholastic style, "servile" political attitudes, and "ignorance" of the modern world".
Maududi also believed there would be little need for the traditional roll of ulama as "leaders, judges, and guardians of the community", in a "reformed and rationalized Islamic order" where those trained in modern as well as traditional subjects would practice ijtihad and where Muslims were educated properly in Arabic, the Quran, Hadith, etc.
However, over time Maududi became more orthodox in his attitudes,  including toward the ulama, and at times allied himself and his party with them after the formation of Pakistan.
Like other contemporary revivalists , Maududi was critical of Sufism and its historical influence in the early days.
Maududi believed that sharia was not just a crucial command that helped define what it meant to be a Muslim, but something without which a Muslim society could not be Islamic:.
That if an Islamic society consciously resolves not to accept the sharia, and decides to enact its own constitution and laws or borrow them from any other source in disregard of the sharia, such a society breaks its contract with God and forfeits its right to be called 'Islamic.
Many unbelievers agreed that God was the creator, what made them unbelievers was their failure to submit to his will, i. Obedience to God's law or will was "the historical controversy that Islam has awakened" throughout the world.
It brought not only heavenly reward, but earthly blessing. Failure to obey, or "rebellion" against it, brought not only eternal punishment, but evil and misery here on earth.
The source of sharia, was to be found not only in the Quran but also in the Sunnah the doings and sayings of the Islamic prophet Muhammad , since the Quran proclaimed "Whoever obeys the messenger [i.
Muhammad] obeys Allah. But in fact sharia was much more than these laws. It recognizes no division between religion and other aspects of life, in Maududi's view,   and there was no area of human activity or concern which the sharia did not address with specific divine guidance.
Family relationships, social and economic affairs, administration, rights and duties of citizens, judicial system, laws of war and peace and international relations.
In short it embraces all the various departments of life The sharia is a complete scheme of life and an all-embracing social order where nothing is superfluous and nothing lacking.
A "very large part" of sharia required "the coercive power and authority of the state" for its enforcement. At the same time, Maududi states "somewhat astonishingly" according to one scholar  "there is yet another vast range of human affairs about which sharia is totally silent" and which an Islamic state may write "independent" legislation.
According to scholar Vali Nasr , Maududi believed that the sharia needed to be "streamlined, reinterpreted, and expanded" to "address questions of governance to the extent required for a state to function.
Though the phrase "Islamic Revolution" is commonly associated with the Iranian Revolution ,  or General Zia 's Islamisation  , Maududi coined and popularized it in the s.
The process Maududi envisioned—changing the hearts and minds of individuals from the top of society downward through an educational process or da'wah  —was very different than what happened in Iran, or under Zia ul-Haq.
Maududi talked of Islam being "a revolutionary ideology and a revolutionary practice which aims at destroying the social order of the world totally and rebuilding it from scratch",    but opposed sudden change, violent or unconstitutional action, and was uninterested in grassroots organizing or socio-economic changes.
His "revolution" would be achieved "step-by-step"   with "patience",  since "the more sudden a change, the more short-lived it is.
The revolution would be carried out by training a cadre of pious and dedicated men who would lead and then protect the Islamic revolutionary process.
Maududi was committed to non-violent legal politics "even if the current methods of struggle takes a century to bear fruit. The objective of the revolution was to be justice adl and benevolence ihsan , but the injustice and wrong to be overcome that he focused on was immorality fahsha and forbidden behavior munkarat.
He did not support these for example, opposing land reform in the s as an encroachment on property rights  and believed the problems they addressed would be solved by the Islamic state established by the revolution.
All this left at least one commentator, Vali Nasr , to wonder if Maudidi had any actual interest in "revolution" or "ideology" , or saw them simply as buzzwords necessary to indicate commitment to "progress, justice, and political idealism" in the anti-colonialist political milieu of 20th century South Asia.
The modern conceptualization of the " Islamic state " is also attributed to Maududi. Maududi's Islamic state is both ideological and all-embracing,  based on " Islamic Democracy ,"  and will eventually "rule the earth".
Unlike the Islamic state of Ayatollah Khomeini , it would not establish and enforce Islamisation, but follow the Islamisation of society. As Maududi became involved in politics, this vision was "relegated to a distant utopia".
Three principles underlying it: tawhid oneness of God , risala prophethood and khilafa caliphate. In such a state no one can regard any field of his affairs as personal and private.
The Islamic state recognizes the sovereignty of God, which meant God was the source of all law. The state can be called a caliphate , but the "caliph" would not be the traditional descendant of the Quraysh tribe  but Maududi believed the entire Muslim community, a "popular vicegerency".
Thus the state would be not a "theocracy", but a "theodemocracy". Therefore, while Maududi used the term democracy to describe his state,   in part to appeal to Westernized Muslim intellectuals ,  his " Islamic democracy " was to be the antithesis of secular Western democracy which transfers hakimiya God's sovereignty to the people,  who may pass laws without regard for God's commands.
The Islamic state would conduct its affairs by mutual consultation shura among all Muslims. While the government follows the sharia law, when it comes to a question about which no explicit injunction is to be found in the sharia , the matter is "settled by consensus among the Muslims.
While no aspect of life was to be considered "personal and private"  and the danger of foreign influence and conspiracies was ever present, nationalism, for example, was "a Western concept which divided the Muslim world and thus prolonged the supremacy of Western imperialist powers"  , there would also be personal freedom and no suspicion of government.
Maududi's time spent in jail as a political prisoner led him to have a personal interest in individual rights, due process of law, and freedom of political expression.
This espionage on the life of the individual cannot be justified on moral grounds by the government saying that it is necessary to know the secrets of the dangerous persons This is exactly what Islam has called as the root cause of mischief in politics.
The injunction of the Prophet is: "When the ruler begins to search for the causes of dissatisfaction amongst his people, he spoils them" Abu Dawud.
However, the basic human right in Islamic law was to demand an Islamic order and to live in it. Not included were any rights to differ with its rulers and defy its authority.
According to Maududi, Islam had an " unwritten constitution " that needed "to be transformed into a written one". The head of state should be the supreme head of legislature, executive and judiciary alike, but under him these three organs should function "separately and independently of one another.
On the other hand, Maududi believed the state had no need to govern in the Western sense of the term, since the government and citizenry would abide by the same "infallible and inviolable divine law", power would not corrupt and no one would feel oppressed.
Power and resources would be distributed fairly. There would be no grievances, no mass mobilizations, demands for political participation, or any other of the turmoil of non-Islamic governance.
Since the state would be defined by its ideology—not by boundaries or ethnicity—its raison d'etre and protector would be ideology, the purity of which must be protected against any efforts to subvert it.
The state's legislature "should consist of a body of such learned men who have the ability and the capacity to interpret Quranic injunctions and who in giving decisions, would not take liberties with the spirit or the letter of the sharia ".
Their legislation would be based on the practice of ijtihad  a source of Islamic law, relying on careful analogical reasoning, using both the Qu'ran and Hadith, to find a solution to a legal problem , making it more a legal organ than a political one.
They may be chosen by "the modern system of elections", or by some other method which is appropriate to "the circumstances and needs of modern times.
Non-Muslims or women may not be a head of state but could vote for separate legislators. Originally Maududi envisioned a legislature only as a consultative body, but later proposed using a referendum to deal with possible conflicts between the head of state and the legislature, with the loser of the referendum resigning.
In the judiciary, Maududi originally proposed the inquisitional system where judges implement law without discussion or interference by lawyers, which he saw as un-Islamic.
After his party was "rescued" from government repression by the Pakistani judiciary he changed his mind, supporting autonomy of the judiciary and accepting the adversarial system and right of appeal.
Secular Western representative democracy—despite its free elections and civil rights—is a failure Maududi believed for two reasons.
Because secular society has "divorced" politics and religion Maududi believed , its leaders have "ceased to attach much or any importance to morality and ethics" and so ignore their constituents' interests and the common good.
Furthermore, without Islam "the common people are incapable of perceiving their own true interests".
An example being the Prohibition law in the United States, where despite the fact that Maududi states "it had been rationally and logically established that drinking is injurious to health, produces deleterious disorder in human society", the law banning alcohol consumption was repealed by the American Congress.
That is why the Holy Prophet has positively and forcefully forbidden the Muslims to assume the culture and mode of life of the non-Muslims.
Maududi strongly opposed the small Ahmadiyya sect, a Muslim sect which Maududi and many other Muslims do not consider as Muslim. The rights of non-Muslims are limited under Islamic state as laid out in Maududi's writings.
Although non-Muslim "faith, ideology, rituals of worship or social customs" would not be interfered with, non-Muslims would have to accept Muslim rule.
Islamic 'jihad' does not recognize their right to administer state affairs according to a system which, in the view of Islam, is evil. Furthermore, Islamic 'jihad' also refuses to admit their right to continue with such practices under an Islamic government which fatally affect the public interest from the viewpoint of Islam.
Non-Muslims would be eligible for "all kinds of employment", but must be "rigorously excluded from influencing policy decisions"   and so not hold "key posts" in government and elsewhere.
This is to ensure that "the basic policy of this ideological state remains in conformity with the fundamentals of Islam. Non-Muslims would also have to pay a traditional special tax known as jizya.
Under Maududi's Islamic state, this tax would be applicable to all able-bodied non-Muslim men—elderly, children and women being exempt—in return from their exemption from military service, which all adult Muslim men would be subject to.
Non-Muslims would also be barred from holding certain high level offices in the Islamic state. Jews and the Christians These powers should be wrested from them by the followers of the true Faith, who should assume the sovereignty and lead others towards the Right Way.
Maududi's first work to come to public attention was Al Jihad fil-Islam "Jihad in Islam" , which was serialized in a newspaper in , when he was only twenty-four.
Jihad should be used to eliminate un-Islamic rule everywhere and establish a worldwide Islamic state:. Islam wishes to destroy all states and governments anywhere on the face of the earth which are opposed to the ideology and programme of Islam, regardless of the country or the nation which rules it.
The purpose of Islam is to set up a state on the basis of its own ideology and programme, regardless of which nation assumes the role of the standard-bearer of Islam or the rule of which nation is undermined in the process of the establishment of an ideological Islamic State.
Islam requires the earth—not just a portion, but the whole planet Towards this end, Islam wishes to press into service all forces which can bring about a revolution and a composite term for the use of all these forces is ' Jihad ' Maududi taught that the destruction of the lives and property of others was lamentable part of the great sacrifice of jihad , but that Muslims must follow the Islamic principle that it is better to "suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss".
Though in jihad "thousands" of lives may be lost, this cannot compare "to the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God.
He explained that jihad was not only combat for God but activity by the rear echelon in support those waging combat qitaal , including non-violent work:.
In the jihad in the way of Allah, active combat is not always the role on the battlefield, nor can everyone fight in the front line.
Just for one single battle preparations have often to be made for decades on end and the plans deeply laid, and while only some thousands fight in the front line there are behind them millions engaged in various tasks which, though small themselves, contribute directly to the supreme effort.
At the same time he took a more conservative line on jihad than other revivalist thinkers such as Ayatollah Khomeini and Sayyid Qutb , distinguishing between jihad properly understood and "a crazed faith During a cease-fire with India in , he opposed the waging of jihad in Kashmir , stating that Jihad could be proclaimed only by Muslim governments, not by religious leaders.
As Jama'at amir, he remained in close contact with JI members, conducting informal discussions everyday in his house between Asar and Maghrib salat prayers,  although according to some, in later years discussion was replaced by answers to members' questions with any rebuttals ignored.
For his votaries in Jama'at, Maududi was not only a "revered scholar, politician, and thinker, but a hallowed Mujaddid. He had a powerful command of Urdu language which he insisted on using, in order to "free Muslims minds from the influence of English.
In private he has been described as "strict but not rigid", taciturn, poised, composed, uncompromising and unyielding.
His public speaking style has been described as having "great authority". Maududi would make his argument step-by-step with Islamic edicts, rather than attempting to excite his audience with oratory.
Although he did not publicize the fact, Maududi was a practitioner of traditional medicine or unani tibb.
Maududi has been described as close to his wife, but not able to spend much time with his six sons and three daughters due to his commitments to religious dawah and political action.
Only one of his offspring, ever joined the JI. And only his second daughter Asma, showed "any scholarly promise". Maududi suffered from a kidney ailment most of his life.
He was often bedridden in and , and in was forced to travel to England for treatment. In April , Maududi's long-time kidney ailment worsened and by then he also had heart problems.
He went to the United States for treatment and was hospitalized in Buffalo, New York , where his second son worked as a physician. Following a few surgical operations, he died on 22 September , at the age of His funeral was held in Buffalo, but he was buried in an unmarked grave at his residence in Ichhra , Lahore after a very large funeral procession through the city.
In Pakistan, where the JI claims to be the oldest religious party  it is "hard to exaggerate the importance" of that country's "current drift" toward Maududi's "version of Islam", according to scholar Eran Lerman.
He and his party are thought to have been the most important factors in Pakistan working to generate support for an Islamic state.
One policy of Zia's that was originally proposed by Maududi, and not found in classic Islamic jurisprudence fiqh , was the introduction of separate electorates for non-Muslims Hindus and Christians in In return Maududi's party was greatly strengthened by Zia with 10,s of members and sympathizers given jobs in the judiciary and civil service early in Zia's rule.
Qutb "borrowed and expanded" Maududi's concept of Islam being modern, Muslims having fallen into pre- Islamic ignorance Jahiliyya , and of the need for an Islamist revolutionary vanguard movement.
His ideas influenced Abdullah Azzam , the Palestinian Islamist jurist and renewer of jihad in Afghanistan and elsewhere.
The South Asian diaspora, including "significant numbers" in Britain, were "hugely influenced" by Maududi's work. Maududi even had a major impact on Shia Iran , where Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is reputed to have met Maududi as early as and later translated his works into Persian.
Choueiri, "all the major contemporary radicalist" Islamist movements the Tunisian Islamic Tendency , the Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization, and the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria , "derive their ideological and political programmes" from the writings of Maududi and Sayyid Qutb.
His works have also influenced leadership of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in their ideology.
Maududi wrote 73 books,  booklets and pamphlets, and made more than speeches and press statements. It became widely read throughout the South Asia and has been translated into several languages.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Amir Allamah Shaykh al-Islam. Aurangabad , Hyderabad State , British India. Buffalo, New York , U. Main article: Jamaat-e-Islami.
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